Fifteen years had elapsed since Narendra Modi won the 2003 Assembly election in Gujarat. And what marked this election different from other elections is its blatant use of hatred among its people. An effort that has been purposefully made to divide the society and to draw maximum political gain during that election
The fact is that many political parties had used communalism to make maximum electoral gains in the past, but how the state apparatus connived with a major political party unabashedly undermining all democratic norms might not find any equivalent in Indian politics.
The man who benefitted from this travesty of democratic practices is now the Indian Prime Minster and is facing an important assembly election in Uttar Pradesh. The result of which is sure to have far reaching implications on Indian politics.
With the elections are half-way through in the state, where Modi is campaigning extensively, the many speeches he delivered at various rallies signifies a point. Despite being the prime minster of the country for about three years, the politics of Narendra Damodardas Modi has not changed. His recent statements at Uttar Pradesh is the testimony to the fact that he continues to be a committed 'Swayam Sevak'
The 2003 election was followed soon after the worst communal carnage that was carried out with the active support of state machinery to help a community to 'vent their anger against the minorities'. After winning the election Modi had used disparate methods to make an image makeover soon after the election.
With the help of the industrial associations and with the open support of the industrial captains Modi was presented as the development face of Indian politics.
And an obliging media on his side Modi flaunted his ‘impoverished childhood and managed to make an image of an ‘out of the box’ politician that the country was eagerly waiting for all these years.
His high decibel rhetoric against corporate corruptions, at a time when his own government was accused of giving undue favour to some big corporates, hogged the headlines of print media. The channels too did gave ample air time without any qualms.
But even when he was carefully recalibrating his image, Gujarat continued to be a state where encounter deaths were staged, dissent of any magnitude were stifled, and democracy got a silent burial. The carefully crafted image of the politician of different breed and the man who transformed Gujarat into the most developed state( several economists and activists questioned this claim but they either got less attention or completely ignored by the big house media) helped Modi and his party to systematically push these more pertinent issues under carpet.
Even when sporting the image of a modern no-nonsense politician, Narendra Modi played to his core ideals always. This was what he did ahead of the last assembly election in Gujarat. When asked by a reporter whether he regretted the communal violence of 2002, Narendra Modi answered like a RSS man.
His answer was composed., bereft of any emotion
“... any person if we are driving a car, we are a driver, and someone else is driving a car and we’re sitting behind, even then if a puppy comes under the wheel, will it be painful or not? Of course, it is. If I’m a Chief Minister or not, I’m a human being. If something bad happens anywhere, it is natural to be sad”
He was adamant that his government has done the "right thing" and there is no place for any guilty feeling. Modi does not want to simply forgo the electoral gains he had accrued by unleashing a worst genocide in the history of the country.
The remarks, though, had invited criticism, Modi was unrepentant and continued to be figured as the man India is waiting for.
After becoming Prime Minister Narendra Modi continued to do what he has been doing all these years. His effort to catapult himself as a statesman was carried out without ditching his core political ideals which is essentially majoritarian, sectarian and pro finance capital. Among the hard core hindutva politicians, he carved a niche for himself by being an ally of the crony capitalists and the retrograde communalists.
The way he addressed the migrant issue in Assam and his reluctance to address the issue of Dalit torturing by cow vigilante groups all pointed to the fact that he is a hindutva politician working meticulously to implement the ideology of RSS.
Multi-speak is a technique that has been used by politicians who owe their allegiance to ideologies that are inherently anti-democratic and authoritarian. Like all cunning swayam sevaks Modi is also a master in this art. Modi has used this to perfection at several instances . The Uttar Pradesh campaign also proves this point. Speaking about tolerance one day and invoking communal feeling of the voters the very next day is what Modi has done in Uttar Pradesh
Narendra Modi in an election campaign said “If there is electricity during Ramzan then it must be available during Diwali too; there shouldn’t be any discrimination”. The intention of using Ramazan and Diwali is obvious to all discerning readers. This was the same Modi who two days ago spoke against using religion as a polarising agent. Umpteen examples of similar kind can be drawn effortlessly from recent history. Above all the latest statement of Modi with communal overtures make one thing clear, with his pretensions of a statesman apart, office of the Prime Minister has not changed Narendra Modi a bit. His Uttar Pradesh speeches makes one thing abundantly clear and that is all the so called liberal estimates of Modi is extremely of the mark and he is as much a ardent swayamsevak as he was during his Gujarat days